Dec 14, 2015

Posted in Annual Congressional, Category One

FIFTH ANNUAL CONGRESSIONAL SAINT ANDREW’S HUMAN RIGHTS & RELIGIOUS FREEDOM RECEPTION

FIFTH ANNUAL CONGRESSIONAL SAINT ANDREW’S HUMAN RIGHTS & RELIGIOUS FREEDOM RECEPTION

Please take a moment to watch David Miliband, President & CEO of the International Rescue Committee and former Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom discuss the refugee crisis at this year’s annual Congressional Saint Andrew’s Human Rights and Religious Freedom Reception. For more information on the work of the International Rescue Committee please visit – www.rescue.org.

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Sep 28, 2015

Posted in Category One

The Syrian Refugee Crisis Explained Perfectly With a Simple Animation & Video

The Syrian Refugee Crisis Explained Perfectly With a Simple Animation & Video

In September 2015, the body of a three-year-old Syrian boy was found floating on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. Photographs of the boy were quick to get circulated world over, and the world responded with a massive outcry over the Syrian civil war and refugee crisis.

This was the first time the Syrian crisis was globally recognized as a burning issue, and one that needs to be addressed with utmost urgency.

This video speaks about how the Syrian crisis is an international issue, and how it all started with countrywide unrest and the civil war in Syria. Apart from the succinct explanation of the overarching issue, the video also explains the role of the neighbouring countries in aiding and giving asylum to refugees in their greatest hour of need.

Watch this video to get a better understanding of the larger Syrian issue and learn about what measures we can take to offer help to the affected people.

By: by  Arushi Kapoor 18 September, 2015

http://www.vagabomb.com/The-Syrian-Refugee-Crisis-Explained-Perfectly-With-a-Simple-Animation-Video/ 

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May 12, 2015

Posted in Category One

The Plight of Christians in the Middle East – Supporting Religious Freedom, Pluralism, and Tolerance During a Time of Turmoil

The Plight of Christians in the Middle East – Supporting Religious Freedom, Pluralism, and Tolerance During a Time of Turmoil

By Brian Katulis, Rudy deLeon, John B. Craig | Thursday, March 12, 2015

Some of the oldest Christian communities in the world are disappearing in the very lands where their faith was born and first took root. During the past decade, Christians around the Middle East have been subject to vicious murders at the hands of terrorist groups, forced out of their ancestral lands by civil wars, suffered societal intolerance fomented by Islamist groups, and subjected to institutional discrimination found in the legal codes and official practices of many Middle Eastern countries.

The past year has seen brutal atrocities committed against Christians and others because of their religious identity by terrorist groups such as the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham, or ISIS. These incidents underscore the gravity of the situation. As a consequence, Christians have migrated from the region in increasing numbers, which is part of a longer-term exodus related to violence, persecution, and lack of economic opportunities stretching back decades. They have also moved to safe havens within the Middle East, and the Christian presence has become more concentrated in places such as Jordan, the area controlled by the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraq, and Lebanon.

Today’s overall Christian community in the Middle East is estimated to range from 7.5 million to 15 million individuals, with the largest numbers living in Egypt, Syria, and Lebanon. These estimates vary considerably because of the massive waves of forced migration over the past decade and the sharp growth in the number of Christians from the Middle East living in exile since the start of the new millennium. The total number of Christians remaining in the region has increased numerically since the start of the 20th century, but substantial growth in the non-Christian population combined with decades of migration mean that Christians represent less than 5 percent of the region’s overall population. In some places such as Turkey, this declining Christian presence has taken place over the past century. During World War I, 1915 was a particularly devastating year for Christians in the region.

A century after those events resulted in the death and forced migration of millions of Christians, the current wave of extremism, civil wars, and a complicated mix of state collapse in some places combined with the re-emergence of authoritarianism are leading to a new wave of victims. The ongoing decline is such that many Christians in the Middle East today fear that their churches will turn into museums, rather than places of worship serving vibrant communities of believers.

The Middle East uprisings that began in 2011 have created new pressures on Christians, other religious groups, and nonbelievers. More than four years after the start of the uprisings, the status of Christians varies considerably across the region. In Egypt and Lebanon, there is a stronger sense of protection and security for Christians than in places such as Syria and Iraq. But the overall picture looks grim, and the reactions from the United States, Europe, and other key powers to this new wave of destruction have been marginal.

The goal of this report is to offer an overview of the status of Christians in the Middle East at this moment in time and to suggest practical and effective ways for the United States to engage on this issue. The status of Christians in the Middle East is an important leading indicator of the type of region that is emerging. Christians have historically acted as a bridge connecting East and West.

Sadly, the picture of the past decade is alarmingly negative. If one of the most important religious groups in the world continues to be forced out of the Middle East, this bodes negatively for pluralism, tolerance, and the ability of the region’s people to live interlinked with the rest of the world. Christians are discussed in this report because they represent a significant group with deep roots in the region, and their status is a barometer of whether those of other faiths or no faith at all will be able to live and thrive in the future Middle East.

This is important at a time when the United States and other countries continue to wrestle with the question of how to most effectively counter violent extremism and to politically defeat terrorist networks and radical ideologies that undermine the overall stability and prosperity of the region. In recent years, the United States has outlined a number of different engagement strategies aimed at highlighting the need for greater tolerance and pluralism as a means to undermine extremism. The 2013 National Strategy on Religious Leader and Faith Community Engagement released by the Obama administration is one example of such efforts.

But the implementation of these strategies has been mixed and not as integrated as it needs to be with overall U.S. foreign policy approach, including military and diplomatic efforts to respond to the crisis in the Middle East. In the meantime, the overall status of Christians has deteriorated over the past decade. Some of this deterioration is the direct result of unforced errors: For example, the 2003 Iraq War and its aftermath had devastating consequences for the Christian community there. Some of it is the consequence of flawed engagement strategies: For example, the Obama administration’s decision to position U.S. engagement under the banner of Muslim world engagement failed to effectively promote pluralism and tolerance and reflect the broad diversity within the Middle East. But most of what is happening to Christians in the Middle East is the result of wider regional trends related to struggles for power and the use of religion as a tool to build influence with constituencies that have ultimately divided societies.

The United States needs to engage on these issues with great care and sensitivity. The fact that extremists accuse the United States and other outside powers of being so-called “crusaders” who promote an agenda supporting Christians is a reality that creates many potential pitfalls for engaging directly on this issue. But accusations from extremists should not be used as an excuse for silence or for taking action only on the margins.

In 2014, the Center for American Progress, or CAP, initiated a research project and policy review examining the status of Christians in the Middle East that involved field research in a number of key countries in the broader Middle East. The effort included interviews with important leaders involved in the region’s religious, political, social, and economic life.

The research culminated in the following 10 overall analytical findings:

  1. Christian communities are caught up in the broader regional struggles for power and influence in the Middle East.
  2. The declining Christian presence is the product of historical factors and long-term trends.
  3. The status of Christians in the Middle East varies significantly according to the political, social, and economic conditions in specific countries.
  4. Basic equality in citizenship is a common challenge for Christians in the Middle East.
  5. Extremist groups exploit institutional weaknesses in the justice, rule of law, and police systems to threaten Christians.
  6. Difficult economic conditions and the lack of jobs create incentives for Christians to leave.
  7. Radical ideologies foment societal intolerance against Christian communities and other religious minorities.  
  8. Disunity and insufficient coordination among Christians in the region prevent them from achieving their potential.
  9. The role of monarchies and Gulf countries is pivotal for Christian communities, but their efforts and influence remain very mixed.
  10. Broader geopolitical tensions between Russia and the United States have a small but important impact on Christian communities of the region.

Based on the above findings, this report offers the following 10 recommendations to address the plight of Christians in the Middle East:

  1. Expand the tools and resources available to U.S. policymakers to elevate freedom of religion and conscience as a priority in U.S. engagement in the region.
  2. Build stronger and more diverse networks and partnerships with the private sector and nongovernmental institutions to address the current challenges facing Christians.
  3. Redouble efforts to advance international diplomatic approaches to conflict resolution in the region.
  4. Prioritize assistance to refugees and displaced persons with specific responses for Christian refugees.
  5. Weigh carefully the benefits and costs of special visa programs for Christians that may be seen as encouraging emigration, aiding in the exodus, or providing special treatment.
  6. Make use of U.S. strategic communications to promote religious freedom, pluralism, and inclusivity as a priority.
  7. Expand economic development and reform efforts in the region.
  8. Invest in education as a key tool for advancing religious freedom and pluralism.
  9. Use U.S. military force and security assistance cautiously and beware of potential pitfalls.
  10. Work with international organizations and leading churches to preserve Christian heritage in the Middle East and the Arab world.

The Middle East remains in the midst of an extended and bloody battle for power and influence that has allowed extremist groups to rise in prominence. Sectarian and ethnic conflicts are contributing to state collapse in areas such as Syria and Iraq and a reassertion of authoritarianism in other parts of the region. The status of Christians is an important sign of broader regional trends in pluralism and tolerance, and adopting more effective engagement strategies to address the plight of Christians could help produce greater stability in the long run. However, this strategy will only be successful if the issue is approached with great sensitivity and care to the broader landscape of change in the region.

Brian Katulis is a Senior Fellow at the Center for American Progress. Rudy deLeon and John Craig are Senior Fellows with the National Security and International Policy team at the Center.

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May 12, 2015

Posted in Category One

ON THE ROAD TO SELMA

ON THE ROAD TO SELMA

On March 6, 2015, a delegation of the Saint Andrew’s Freedom Forum traveled from New York City and Washington, DC to Selma, Alabama to commemorate the 50th Anniversary of the March on Selma. The March on Selma catalyzed the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which enabled the broader – and fairer – participation of African-Americans in our nation’s democratic experience. The decision of Archbishop Iakovos to join Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., in the March on Selma also proved a seminal moment for Hellenism and the Orthodox Christian community in the United States. For a description of the circumstances surrounding Archbishop Iakovos’ trip to Selma, read Sometimes The World Is Black and White, by Dr. Alexandros K. Kyrou, Professor of History at Salem State University.

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When Archbishop Iakovos marched in Selma, he was not only serving as the leader of the Greek Orthodox Church of North and South America, but also as one of the presidents of the World Council of Churches and the Vice-President of the National Council of Churches. In Selma, Archbishop Iakovos joined Dr. King at Brown Chapel AME in eulogizing Reverend James Reeb, the Unitarian Universalist minister from Boston who was killed by the Klu Klux Klan for answering Dr. King’s call to come to Selma. After the eulogy service, Dr. King and Archbishop Iakovos marched with 4000 civil rights activists to the Selma Courthouse demanding justice. In front of the locked building, Dr. King and Archbishop Iakovos were captured in a photograph that appeared on the cover of the March 26, 1965 edition of Life Magazine. By traveling to Selma, Archbishop Iakovos overrode his advisors. Click here to see the video of Archbishop Iakovos reflecting on the March on Selma.

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Screen shot WCNC interview 

We drove to Selma because we wanted to honor the memory of Rev. Reeb, Dr. King, Archbishop Iakovos and the countless activists who risked life and liberty to challenge injustice. Our presence was also meant to raise awareness of the role that Hellenism and Orthodoxy played in the Civil Rights Movement and bring attention to the many challenges modern society faces including social inequality and poverty. En route to Selma, we were hosted in Charlotte, North Carolina at the historic Open Kitchen Restaurant by proprietors Christina, Lena and Stephanos Skiouris, where we were joined by members of the local community and were interviewed by Ben Thompson WCNC News who aired our “drive to Selma” on local television and brought attention to the relationship between Hellenism, Orthodoxy and the Civil Rights Movement.

In Selma, we joined with tens-of-thousands of people celebrating the civil rights activists who had challenged America’s pernicious history of racial inequality. While we were moved by history when crossing the Edmund Pettus Bridge, visiting Browns Chapel AME and the beauty of the Alabama river and the rustic countryside, there was no escaping the fact that after the politicians and celebrants decamped for home, Selma would continue on as one of the poorest communities in America.

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Since the passage of the Voting Rights Act, there have been tremendous strides in race relations that give credence to America’s promise of an ever more perfect union. Yet, endemic poverty in many of America’s marginalized communities undermines our nation’s social fabric. From Ferguson, Missouri and more recently in Baltimore, Maryland, we are witnessing the ills of an endemic poverty that breeds social inequality and violent civil unrest. In 1965, Dr. King and Archbishop Iakovos stood their ground opposing the division of humanity that had come about because of differences in color, wealth and ignorance. Dr. King and Archbishop Iakovos were not too tired or too preoccupied with their daily lives so as to turn a blind eye to the social injustices of their time.

In the midst of the rioting that followed the death of Freddie Gray while in police custody, Baltimore Orioles Executive Vice President John Angelos, expressed the sentiments of many saying that:

 … the principle of peaceful, non-violent protest and the observance of the rule of law is of utmost importance in any society. MLK, Gandhi, Mandela, and all great opposition leaders throughout history have always preached this precept…. That said, my greater source of personal concern, outrage and sympathy beyond this particular case is focused neither upon one night’s property damage nor upon the acts, but is focused rather upon the past four-decade period during which an American political elite have shipped middle class and working class jobs away from Baltimore and cities and towns around the U.S. to third-world dictatorships like China and others, plunged tens of millions of good hard-working Americans into economic devastation, and then followed that action around the nation by diminishing every American’s civil rights protections in order to control an unfairly impoverished population living under an ever-declining standard of living and suffering at the butt end of an ever-more militarized and aggressive surveillance state.

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Delegation at Brown Chapel AME Church

Mr. Angelos’ statement may be the subject of debate, but he makes one incontrovertible point, that the absence of employment and investment in America’s impoverished communities undermines social justice. Dignity and quality of life are made possible by well paying jobs. It should shock all Americans that the average life expectancy in marginalized communities is lower than those living under the brutal North Korean dictatorship. Equally true is the fact that those living in Baltimore’s wealthiest neighborhoods have an average life expectancy as high as the longest living people on Earth.

If we are to overcome the challenges of our time, we must stare poverty in the face, roll up our sleeves and commit ourselves to investing in America’s marginalized communities, where both infrastructure and social investment lag far behind our national standards, and in many cases, behind the standards of countries the United Nations classifies as least developed nations. We should all take stock of the selfless acts of Dr. King and Archbishop Iakovos and look to our shared humanity as the resource for overcoming today’s social injustice wrought by endemic poverty.

Andreas Akaras, President Saint Andrew’s Freedom Forum

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Dec 8, 2014

Posted in News

Who is the pope, who is the ecumenical patriarch?

Who is the pope, who is the ecumenical patriarch?

If you do not know Turkey, you may get the impression that President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his government have huge admiration for the pope but are allergic to the ecumenical patriarch. Namely, you may be very confused how and why the Turkish government differentiates so tremendously in its treatment of the religious leaders of the Orthodox and Catholic sects of Christianity.

In Turkey the pope was treated like he is one of the most important statesmen in the world. Erdoğan met him at the gates of his palace after waiting there impatiently for a long time. We saw pictures of how Erdoğan happily extended his forehead to be kissed by the pope.

While the religious leader of the Catholics was welcomed like that, the religious leader of the other sect of Christianity, Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew, is being regarded somehow as a figure whose counterpart in Turkey is the district governor of Eyüp, to which the patriarchate is considered to be attached.

President Erdoğan and the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), who treated the pope as if he is the president of the United States, refuse to recognize the ecumenical character of the Greek Orthodox Church in İstanbul. They say it is just the Greek Orthodox Church, namely that the patriarchate only represents a handful of Orthodox Christians in İstanbul.

President Erdoğan and the AK Party, who are very respectful of the pope, do not even allow the reopening of the Halki Theological School, from which many of the ecumenical patriarchs graduated. They say they will open the school on the condition that a mosque is opened in Athens. They easily overlook the fact that a school and a church are not counterparts to each other and that there is no such thing as “reciprocity” in the field of human rights. The Halki Theological School has nothing to do with a mosque in Athens.

So, the question remains wide open. Why did the same government that treated the pope with so much respect put the ecumenical patriarch in such a difficult position? Why does the Turkish government differentiate so much in its treatment of different sects of Christianity?

And, ironically, if you ask the members of the AK Party how the Orthodox differ from the Catholics, most probably very few of them would be able to answer your question in a satisfactory manner. Therefore, we can say this discriminatory treatment of different sects of Christianity has nothing to do with theological matters.

The AK Party is just demonstrating the old state reflexes that regard the ecumenical patriarchate and religious minorities of this country as a threat.

And I believe there is another part of this story. Like individuals who have low self-esteem, states and societies only pay respect to those who are distant from them, who are outsiders and so on. The pope is from another country; he is a foreigner, whereas the ecumenical patriarch is from Turkey and is someone living in our district.

I believe one day Turkey will treat the ecumenical patriarch as it treats the pope now — when this country has real confidence, when there is real self-esteem, and when there is real freedom of religion in this country.

Orhan Kemal Cengiz

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