Dec 8, 2014

Posted in News

Who is the pope, who is the ecumenical patriarch?

Who is the pope, who is the ecumenical patriarch?

If you do not know Turkey, you may get the impression that President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his government have huge admiration for the pope but are allergic to the ecumenical patriarch. Namely, you may be very confused how and why the Turkish government differentiates so tremendously in its treatment of the religious leaders of the Orthodox and Catholic sects of Christianity.

In Turkey the pope was treated like he is one of the most important statesmen in the world. Erdoğan met him at the gates of his palace after waiting there impatiently for a long time. We saw pictures of how Erdoğan happily extended his forehead to be kissed by the pope.

While the religious leader of the Catholics was welcomed like that, the religious leader of the other sect of Christianity, Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew, is being regarded somehow as a figure whose counterpart in Turkey is the district governor of Eyüp, to which the patriarchate is considered to be attached.

President Erdoğan and the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), who treated the pope as if he is the president of the United States, refuse to recognize the ecumenical character of the Greek Orthodox Church in İstanbul. They say it is just the Greek Orthodox Church, namely that the patriarchate only represents a handful of Orthodox Christians in İstanbul.

President Erdoğan and the AK Party, who are very respectful of the pope, do not even allow the reopening of the Halki Theological School, from which many of the ecumenical patriarchs graduated. They say they will open the school on the condition that a mosque is opened in Athens. They easily overlook the fact that a school and a church are not counterparts to each other and that there is no such thing as “reciprocity” in the field of human rights. The Halki Theological School has nothing to do with a mosque in Athens.

So, the question remains wide open. Why did the same government that treated the pope with so much respect put the ecumenical patriarch in such a difficult position? Why does the Turkish government differentiate so much in its treatment of different sects of Christianity?

And, ironically, if you ask the members of the AK Party how the Orthodox differ from the Catholics, most probably very few of them would be able to answer your question in a satisfactory manner. Therefore, we can say this discriminatory treatment of different sects of Christianity has nothing to do with theological matters.

The AK Party is just demonstrating the old state reflexes that regard the ecumenical patriarchate and religious minorities of this country as a threat.

And I believe there is another part of this story. Like individuals who have low self-esteem, states and societies only pay respect to those who are distant from them, who are outsiders and so on. The pope is from another country; he is a foreigner, whereas the ecumenical patriarch is from Turkey and is someone living in our district.

I believe one day Turkey will treat the ecumenical patriarch as it treats the pope now — when this country has real confidence, when there is real self-esteem, and when there is real freedom of religion in this country.

Orhan Kemal Cengiz

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Oct 15, 2014

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A Message From Andreas Akaras Welcoming You To The Saint Andrew’s Freedom Forum

A Message From Andreas Akaras Welcoming You To The Saint Andrew’s Freedom Forum

Dear Friend,

It is my pleasure to welcome you to the Saint Andrew’s Freedom Forum website. Please take your time to explore our site and send us your comments. We welcome and encourage your feedback. We invite you to join us on Facebook at Saint Andrew’s Freedom Forum or LinkedIn at Saint Andrew’s Freedom Forum. You may also connect with our Communications Administrator, Adam Omega, on Facebook and LinkedIn. Feel free to send us an email with your thoughts or any other matter to adam@saintandrewsfreedomforum.org.

From time-to-time you may receive a communication from our Director of Social Media, Violet Tsagka, or our Communications Director, Adam Omega. Be sure to tell your friends to visit us as well, we are eager to expand the dialogue here at the Saint Andrew’s Freedom Forum!

Sincerely,

Andreas N. Akaras, President

Saint Andrew’s Freedom Forum

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Oct 15, 2014

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Freedom of information needed for public debate, and to restore calm – Reporters Without Borders

Freedom of information needed for public debate, and to restore calm – Reporters Without Borders

Full and responsible news coverage is more necessary than ever in Turkey, now in the throes of the most violent rioting in a decade. Reporters Without Borders calls for the release of media workers currently in police custody and urges the authorities to do what is necessary to protect journalists and facilitate their work.

Türkçe / Read in Turkish

The Jihadi organization Islamic State’s siege of Kobane, Syria’s third biggest Kurdish city, is the source of the current tension in Turkey. Around 30 people have been killed in clashes between political groups or clashes with the police since 7 October. At the same time, it has become very difficult for journalists throughout the country, especially in the southeast, to cover the unrest.

Violence against journalists

At least four journalists have been attacked or injured during pro-Kurdish, Islamist or nationalist demonstrations in the past few days. Necati Savas, a photographer with the daily Cumhuriyet, was injured in the head in Ankara on the afternoon of 7 October by a teargas canister fired by the police.

After projectiles fired by rioters in the Okmeydani district of Istanbul injured Sebnem Coskun, a photographer with the partly state-owned news agency Anatolia, and cameraman Melik Firat Yücelon 7 October, doctors ordered three days of medical leave for both. Hayat TV reporter Duygu Ayberwas injured by police near Istanbul’s Taksim Square on 6 October.

Four reporters for pro-Kurdish media – Bisar Durgut and Nihat Kutlu of the daily Azadiya Welatand Beritan Canözer and Sarya Gözüoglu of the women’s news agency JINHA – sustained stab wounds when attacked by demonstrators in the southeastern city of Diyarbakir on 2 October. Durgut was rushed to hospital with no fewer than eight knife wounds.

The situation is especially tense near the Syrian border. A BBC minibus caught fire when police fired three teargas grenades at it near a border post in Mürsitpinar (in Suruç district), which is very close to Kobane. The minibus’ occupants – six people including Paul Adams and Piers Scholfield of theBBC – were able to take cover.

After visiting the border, a delegation from the Turkish coalition Freedom for Journalists (GÖP)presented a report on 8 October, denouncing the police violence experienced by many journalists in the border region.

Esra Ciftçi, a reporter for the pro-Kurdish daily Özgür Gündem, told the delegation she was badly beaten by police while covering three injured people being taken to hospital last week. A TV10reporter said police fired a teargas grenade at his vehicle’s windshield, on the driver’s side. He also reported that a riot police vehicle deliberate rammed his crew’s satellite dish.

A news agency journalist confirmed that “the security forces prevented journalists from working,” adding that some reporters were also attacked by the local population.

“The authorities have a duty to protect media personnel,” said Johann Bihr, the head of the Reporters Without Borders Eastern Europe and Central Asia desk. “It is clear that, in this respect, no lessons have been learned from the Gezi Park protests.”

Access obstructed, journalists in custody

Bihr added: “We call on the authorities to grant journalists full access to the southeastern regions and the border areas without discrimination, regardless of whether they have an official press card.”

Journalists without an official press ID issued by the prime minister’s office are being denied access to certain areas along the Syrian border that have been declared “military zones.”

Since 5 October, this has included the hill directly across the border from Kobane, which the media have been using as a vantage point for following the fighting in and around the city. Many journalists, including reporters from pro-Kurdish media such as the news agency DIHA, are being refused access because they lack the essential press pass.

The same restrictions are in place in the regions where a curfew was imposed after the violence of 7 October. Only journalists with a press card are able to move about freely there although, like the public, they are exposed to violence and hampered by the many army barriers. The curfew was lifted yesterday in Mardin and Batman provinces but is still partly in place in Diyarbakir and some districts of Van and Siirt.

According to Diyarbakir’s Free Journalists’ Association (ÖGC), around 20 employees of Kurdish and Kobane media have been in police custody in Suruç* since 6 October. In all, around 160 people have been arrested on entering Turkey from Syria and are being held at a sports centre in Suruç pending interrogation.

Reached by phone, fixer Perwer Mihamed Ali told Reporters Without Borders Turkey representative that “all of Kobane’s freelance journalists” were in police custody and were on hunger strike.

The ÖGC also reported that four journalists were arrested in the Van region. Reporters Without Borders calls for the immediate release of all detained media employees.

Media coverage in question

Some Turkish TV news stations have provided very limited coverage of these events, prompting expressions of concern on 7 October about a return of the self-censorship seen during the Gezi Park protests.

“In view of the crucial importance of these on-going events for Turkey and the entire region, any attempt to suppress or doctor coverage would be unacceptable,” Reporters Without Borders deputy programme director Virginie Dangles said.

“We urge the media to provide complete coverage while refraining from fuelling tension unnecessarily. The peace process between the government and the PKK is too important in every respect, including for freedom of information, to be sacrificed to short-term political advantages.”

Coverage of the rioting in the leading national dailies has been very polarized and marked by political divisions.

The nationalist daily Sözcü’s front-page headline on 8 October was, “PKK uses Kobane as pretext to devastate the country.” But the pro-Kurdish Özgür Gündem’s headline was, “All the streets are Kobanes.” The Islamist Yeni Safak pointed at the main opposition parties, headlining, “CHP and HDP have provoked Turkey’s enemies.”

Turkey is ranked 154th out of 180 countries in the 2014 Reporters Without Borders press freedom index.

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Oct 15, 2014

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Turkey: Secularist Siege Against Orthodox Church

Turkey: Secularist Siege Against Orthodox Church

Monday, July 07, 2014 11:13 PM Comments (2)

But if we hope for what we do not see, we wait with endurance. Romans 8:25

Standing on a hilltop high over the Marmara Sea, I admire the lush grounds of a sacred Orthodox Christian site, the Holy Theological School of Halki. It’s hard for me to believe the sorrow, angst and political war fought over this island paradise overlooking Istanbul.

It’s a sign of the Orthodox Church’s health that it’s responding to the scandal on Heybeliada Island (Halki Island before Turkish rule) with love — and a flowering wonderland.

Locked Out

While it functioned as a school, between 1844 and 1971, the school produced more than 260 Orthodox bishops and 16 patriarchs, including Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I of Constantinople, spiritual leader of some 260 million Orthodox Christians — and Pope Francis’ friend. A monastery on the property dates to the ninth century.

The government closed the school in 1971 when a Turkish military “soft coup” provoked a court ruling banning private institutions of higher education.

On its face, the ruling violates article 40 of the Treaty of Lausanne of 1923, which ended Turkey’s War of Independence and assured non-Muslim minorities the right to manage their own schools and practice religion freely.

Plus, neither the Ottoman state (which defeated the Orthodox Byzantine Empire in 1453) nor Ataturk, founder of the Turkish Republic, had any problem with the seminary.

The closure has a potentially paralyzing impact: Under Turkish law, the Ecumenical Patriarch must be a Turkish citizen, yet Halki was the nation’s only seminary. And of course, by limiting a Church’s ability to train priests, the move will effectively strangle the ability to serve believers.

 

Open Doors

Patriarch Bartholomew, who has been personally subjected to public humiliation and even a foiled assassination plot last year, can’t help but show his frustration sometimes, especially when there have been many occasions for hope. For example, in 2012 President Obama announced Turkey would open the seminary.

The patriarch told a daily newspaper: We have been waiting for our school to reopen for 42 years. Where is our school? Where is our freedom of religion? Where is our freedom of education? Where are human rights? Where is [the Treaty of] Lausanne?”

Three years ago, a new abbot arrived. Metropolitan Elpidophoros Lambriniadis, age 47, decided to try a new approach. Let people wander the gardens, tour the religious treasures, pray, read, conference — enjoy and learn.

“It is good to show the Turkish public that this place is an open, transparent, beautiful place that has nothing to hide,” the bishop told me. “We want people to see there is nothing to fear. On the contrary we have so many things to offer all visitors, who are most welcome, no matter what their religion, nation, or language.”

Working Order

A visit to the school shows an impeccable facility, sanctified by a small group of resident clergy.

In a classroom, black benches from the 19th century and a portrait of Ataturk give the place a frozen-in-time feel. But the massive reception room — where a breathtaking side chapel features priceless icons in gold and silver — could be used today for a splendid reception.

A novice monk (who grew up in Greece, summered in Boston, and attended American universities) passionately explains, “This is the epicenter of our faith,” as an exquisite peacock sashays by, dragging its green tail along a recently completed mosaic of decorative grey and white pebbles.

 

Sacred Garden

Most spectacular is the Biblical garden now being developed on the seminary’s grounds, in response to Bartholomew’s sensitivity. The holy man, known as the “Green Patriarch,” signed an accord in 2002 with St John Paul II on environmental ethics.

Already, 62 of the 82 plants and trees from the Bible are growing on the 49 acres, most brought from Turkey or Greece. There’s also a Trail of Virtues, utilizing 14 symbolic plants and trees (fig trees=gentleness; pomegranates=courage, etc.) to inspire devotion.

International gardening expert Nikos Thymakis left his life in Athens to help realize this vision of God’s creation.

“Amazing things have happened in this soil,” Thymakis told me. “No one had pruned the trees or cleared the grounds for decades. Now flowers like poppies are blooming from ancient seeds.”

What’s Next?

A legion of institutions has pled for Halki, from the U.S. Congress and the European Union to a Turkish Muslim network, the Gulen Movement.

A knowledgeable Istanbul-based journalist wrote a convincing New York Times piece, saying the real reason the seminary remains closed is that the government wants to control Muslim schools: if Halki reopens, then independent Islamic clerical groups will demand approval.

What’s especially tragic is the many missed opportunities in the past when the U.S. government had far greater leverage over Turkey. For example, the U.S. Congress lifted a military and economic embargo against the country in 1978 (imposed due to the invasion of Cyprus in 1974), when it could have linked the initiative — and future aid — to Halki seminary’s status.

But that’s the past. For now, the Orthodox Church is busy planting a future, with patience and prayer.

Read more: http://www.ncregister.com/blog/vgaetan/turkey-secularist-siege-against-orthodox-church/#ixzz3GErVaiiU

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Oct 15, 2014

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Arab World Christians at Risk

Arab World Christians at Risk

I am concerned with the fate of the Christian communities of the Arab World. From Egypt to Iraq, these ancient churches have not only survived through centuries of hardship, foreign invasions, and domestic repression, they have also played an important role contributing to Arab culture and Islamic civilization.

 

Given the unsettling hostilities of the post-Iraq and post-Arab Spring Middle East, the region’s minority religious and ethnic groups find themselves at great risk. Caught in the midst of sectarian conflicts brought on by war, occupation, repression, and severe social and political dislocation, vulnerable communities have paid a terrible price, most especially in Syria and Iraq. Whether forced to flee the violence of the civil wars that have ravaged these countries, or expelled by murderous extremists as part of genocidal “cleansing” campaigns, the size of these once vibrant Christian communities have been so depleted, that some rightly fear their extinction in their homelands. Because these ancient churches date back to the time of Christ and have added richness and texture to the culture of the Arab East, it is inconceivable to imagine Egypt, Lebanon, Palestine, Syria, or Iraq without their Copts, Maronites, Assyrian/Chaldeans, and other Catholic and Orthodox Christian communities.

In a real sense, what is at stake is not just the survival of these important minorities; it is the future of the region, itself. In a word, intolerant and violent extremist groups like ISIS and their kin, pose an existential challenge not only to Christians, but to all Arabs and Muslims-asking them to look to the future and imagine the kind of society they want to emerge from the current turmoil.

Of course, given the onslaught of ISIS in Syria and Iraq and their horrific displays of violence and intolerance, the immediate question before us is what is to be done now to defend Christians and other minorities put at risk by the raging conflict.

I am a Maronite Catholic and an Arab American, deeply committed to my heritage and the land of my father and forefathers, and concerned about the survival of my rite and that of the other Christian communities in the Arab World. I am also concerned because I am an American who believes that my country, and the West in general, has, on too many occasions, negatively contributed to the conflicts that are unsettling the Middle East today. I am concerned lest we err again taking steps, out of blind ignorance or sheer folly, which would only make the regional situation more volatile and precarious.

I am concerned, for example, that some of the loudest voices calling for action to defend the Christians in Iraq today come from the far right. It is disturbing, of course, that a decade ago as the Bush Administration blundered its way into Iraq, this wing of the political spectrum was too busy beating the drums of war to hear the warnings coming from Iraq’s Christians about the impact that the war and the pathetic misguided occupation would have on their communities. This same crowd went deaf again to the plight of Iraq’s Christians during the brutal civil war that followed, with its “ethnic cleansing” that reduced the country’s Christian population from 1.4 million to 400,000.

Does defending Christians mean that Saddam should have been tolerated because he provided more protection for Christians than the sectarian pogroms that followed? Most certainly not. But because those who are now the most strident advocates for a U.S. military-led assault on Iraq and Syria are the very same folks whose policies led to the current crisis, I believe we should, at the very least, be wary of their advocacy.

Just as it is important that we be concerned not to allow the defense of Christians to serve as a cover for the agenda of the war-hawks, we must not allow it to degenerate into Muslim-bashing. Islamophobes may draw applause from some in Washington, but their inflammatory rhetoric will only harm the fate of Christians in the Middle East. In the end, they appear to be more focused on fomenting a “clash of civilizations” then contributing to a reformed and reconstructed Arab World.

What should also be of concern are those who either want to defend only some Christians- ignoring for example, the hardships faced by Palestinian Christians living under Israeli occupation-or those whose advocacy is limited exclusively to Christians. As a Christian and an Arab-American, I reject both approaches. I cannot imagine Palestine without its Arab Christian community. All too often, American evangelicals come to the Holy Land to see the sights, while ignoring the indigenous Christians struggling to survive in the face of an unrelenting occupation. The famed little town of Bethlehem has lost most of its land to Israeli land-grabs, and its people are hemmed in by a 30-foot concrete wall. It is easier for an American tourist to travel thousands of miles to visit Jerusalem, then it is for a Bethlehemite to go a few miles to pray in the Holy City.

And as a Christian, I cannot counsel the approach of those who would extend their support to Christians-only and say, in effect, “the hell with the rest”. The defense of Christians must be holistic and comprehensive. Minorities are most secure when they live in societies that are inclusive and representative, tolerant and respectful of the rights and contributions of all their citizens.

To be sure, ISIS must be defeated and dictators must be removed. But we will only succeed in defending Christians and all other minorities if the sectarian extremists and the dictators are replaced by systems of governance that do not establish one religion or sect above others. As demanding and far-reaching as that may be, it is the challenge we must face.

About Dr. Zogby

Dr. James J. Zogby is the author of Arab Voices (Palgrave Macmillan, October 2010) and the founder and president of the Arab American Institute (AAI), a Washington, D.C.-based organization which serves as the political and policy research arm of the Arab American community. He is also Managing Director of Zogby Research Services, which specializes in groundbreaking public opinion polling across the Arab world. Zogby is a lecturer and scholar in Middle Eastern affairs and a Visiting Professor of Social Research and Public Polling at New York University in Abu Dhabi.  Read his full bio here.

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Oct 15, 2014

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When the Lions don’t Roar

When the Lions don’t Roar

By David Nissan

The abduction and forced conversion of the Christian schoolgirls in Nigeria in mid-April, and the visit of the Pope to the region last week, focused a much needed spotlight on the plight of the Christian populations in the region.
All over the world, there are religious groups that are discriminated against and even persecuted in various degrees, but there is no doubt that the place where Christians suffer the harshest form of persecution is the Middle East, the birthplace of Christianity. The biggest threat to Christians in the Middle East and North Africa, most of them Eastern Orthodox Christians, is from extremist Islamic militants who feel that they are once again facing a Christian military, political and cultural crusade led by the United States in the aftermath of 9/11. And while the Christian population in the region has been decreasing steadily for a long while – because of persecution and also lower birth rates compared to the Muslim population, the turmoil and the political vacuum caused by Arab Spring has only accelerated the process. For example, 70 years ago, the city of Bethlehem was 85% Christian; today, it’s down to 20%. More than 100,000 Christians left/fled Egypt in the past two years; 80% of Iraq’s Christians fled the country since the 1980’s. In Syria, hundreds of thousands of Christians have fled or have been displaced in the three years of civil war. Christians feel threatened, and this is the trend in every single country in the region with the notable exceptions of Israel and Jordan.

Religious tolerance is certainly not the norm in this part of the world. And while manifestations of intolerance among the extremist fringes of the population are almost expected, I feel that the main problem is the silence, stuttering and impotence of the mainstream political and religious authorities in the face of violent acts perpetrated by extremists. It is painfully clear that the only way to deal successfully with extremism – any form of extremism – is to confront it forcefully with zero tolerance. It is the responsibility of the mainstream powers in the system to take a clear and unequivocal stand against the fanatics, and declare the abuse of minority rights and freedoms as being illegitimate and unacceptable – not through feeble protests and condemnations but by concrete and resolute action. But perhaps it is unrealistic to expect Saudi Arabia, which is considered by many to be the mainstream spiritual leader in the Muslim world, to raise its voice against religious extremism and intolerance when in Saudi Arabia itself, Islam is not just the official religion, it is the only permitted religion and public freedom of worship is not tolerated.

The problem is the silence of the lions when their roars need to be heard the most. What is necessary is a loud, clear, unambiguous and uncompromising voice, sounded by all relevant authorities at the local, regional and international level, assertively condemning the violation of minority rights, and more importantly calling for firm action against all extremist violators. While the real test in a democracy is not only the rule of the majority but rather the steadfast protection of the rights and liberties of minorities, this is a principle that should be demanded from non-democratic governments as well.

It seems that this is not only a local problem, and that a wave of intolerance is sweeping the world today. We saw this recently in the results of the elections to the European Parliament last week where extremist groups have increased their power in almost every single member state.

Seeing the spiritual leaders of the three major monotheistic religions gathered in one place – the Holy Land – last week made me think about how much blood was spilt needlessly over the centuries, here and in other places, because of religious zealots. Unfortunately, religious extremists and fanatics are definitely alive and kicking today, and they continue to espouse and perpetrate blind violence against other human beings whose only fault is not praying to a different God, but rather praying to the same God, differently.

David Nissan is a Middle East and Iran Specialist and Public Speaker.

www.davidnissan.com

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